For a history of young missini (1946-1956) What young people have views of fascist ideology, the young people in the early fifties we mean? It is prevalent in them the emotional strength of the revolutionary ideals (even if it is eternal unfinished) or acknowledging achievements and historical data of the scheme? The answer, in our opinion can not be unique. On the one hand is certainly to be considered as a generation that for some observers can be summarized in an effort to understand the irrational and emotional attitudes of young people. But there's another element to take into account the commitment to youth and is aimed at both historical depth and to the concrete ideological and doctrinaire. It has been said (and repeated) that culture Right in our house has been absent from the great debates of the Second World War, dismally aside and replaced with daydreams and mediocre (at best) by less than noble tactics. We can not really embrace this view. If the overall appearance of the premises concerned are not suitable to address the topic (it would still be appropriate to speak of vision culture right, both in a approach as it the heterodox culture and analyze two data: a quantitative, the other qualitative. The problem does not seem therefore that of a lack of culture but of distribution and sources from which draw), for cases involving more closely the early postwar years, it is not appropriate to speak of tabula rasa cultural (less of a bias): the proliferation of newspapers, magazines and publications and the different currents within the Social Movement are the litmus test of a vitality and consistency of themes that clearly shows the opposite. Let's see a concrete case.
Among the papers seized from young people accused of being part of the Black Legion (and arrested in May 1951) have been found of typed pages titled Comments on the first three points of Verona . (The first paragraph states: 'We feel the duty, as members of the MSI deepen the lines of our doctrine through the careful investigation of the sources of it). The paper takes the form of the final document of a meeting where you review and interpret the Manifesto of Verona in November '43. It read, in spite of the betrayal in two stages (25 July and 8 September '43) the Italian people 'that of the authentic and Bainsizza Piave, and that of Calmas Donetsz, to Makalle and Adwa, the Giarabub of Bir el Gobi, and was not dead! It could not be weakened by the shadowy maneuvers of the Marquis of Caporetto! Signs around the country were shaking Italians True, the fighters, the good seed, of Italy, all those who wanted to redeem the blood of the shame of shame ed'infamia an armistice, which they had wanted and which was repugnant to the proud sense of patriotism. They wanted to purify the holy face of the country by washing the blood they donated generously to the last drop. " After you mentioned the release of Mussolini and the steps leading to the formation of the government 'regular' Republican Fascist state. It affects the tone of passionate which describes Mussolini's speech to the Radio Monaco September 18, 1943: "On the evening of September 18, evening that none of us will ever forget, the heart of all of us jumped unspeakable joy of sudden, picking up the radio station of Monaco. He spoke, his voice made it a bit 'weaker-than-usual hardships endured for the last, but still vigorous and overwhelming reaffirmed the unshakable will to fight to the last side to dell'alleato Germany to surrender to the supreme honor of Italy. " It is striking, but not surprising, the transport of those born in the twenties who love our country and Fascism as a single thing that moved, pay homage to the man who reinvented the act of love for the values \u200b\u200bof heroism and fidelity to the nation. It is not surprising that the removal of Mussolini takes its meaning for young people of a loss: the death of those principles that were standard for their own fathers, for parents who had seen fascism that arose from the ashes of the Great War.
In this sense, the second fascism Social Republic, the 18 points of Verona is the confirmation that this is something that you believe is not dead. They are still the values \u200b\u200bof the country in opposition to a monarchy with garbage and a traitor to the Allied armies that have invaded the country. Are ideal values \u200b\u200bthat young people are not leaving and trying to understand their reality now that the war is over. I took that same spirit, the participants in the study session , engage in an analysis of "exegesis" of the precious few points, now historic event, "matters which concern the internal and constitutional matters." for the first point we stressed the principle of popular sovereignty (which, "like it or not, is closely tied to democracy), the moral condemnation of the monarchy and its work and the reference to the future Constituent Assembly that has "the duty to proclaim the social republic and to nominate the Chief." The convocation of the Constituent Assembly, of course, never happened and the document are specified reasons: to pressure from "certain starace Fascism, "Mussolini and believed it was unnecessary because in a state where the armed forces were not able to sustain the rule of law. The most important node of the first paragraph of the Charter, however, seems to be that of Republican fascism. Not true, it is written, that the call was merely a Republican remedy for the lack of a "monarch worthy" after the betrayal, but the opposite is true: Mussolini's fascism, "was born with the beams of the Republican revolutionary action," was On the other hand only for reasons of political expediency, not to harm the constitutional stability of the country, that Mussolini adapts to the Monarchy. "So, when al Congresso di Verona [s’affermò] la necessità di proclamare la Repubblica, si [ridiede] al fascismo il suo vero volto: quello delle origini». Per i giovani neofascisti dunque la continuità storica (una continuità che per loro è legittimante) tra fascismo del 1919, fascismo del 1943 e postfascismo s’individua nel repubblicanesimo, vera tradizione dell’Italia fin dai primi giorni dell’Unità politica.
Per il secondo Punto troviamo il commento alla struttura organica della Costituente che è la forma d’una democrazia sociale. «Di fronte al principio borghese della rappresentanza esclusiva delle forze politiche in seno all’organo constituent, there is the principle openly fascist and then insert social organs next to the legislating politicians also representatives of economic categories, the categories of production. " These representatives will not be "appointed from above as it was for the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations ', but chosen through democratic elections, as is apparent from paragraph I (ruling that" the sovereign will of popular origin'). The reason that the body must be structured as a constituent is introduced by young people, in terms of historical analysis: "The composition of the harlequin constitutions and parliaments of the time clearly demonstrated that the political struggle within the bodies gives rise to [...] legislating laws result of compromise and bargaining between factions, laws that in most cases did not meet social needs. " In the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations are instead represented the interests of labor and economic forces that are not assignable. Similarly in the Constituent Assembly Republican were to be represented the interests of labor and non-economic or rather moral, as a 'summary of the values \u200b\u200bof the nation. " The 'origin of the constituent power' is then the people who would therefore have the election of representatives in the Constituent Assembly. And that, more than is specified, does not mean more than "reaffirm once again the fascist conception of the individual who is not a man will be free of amorphous ed'intelletto" that downloads the Cape every decision, but "a being fully accountable for its actions and its own volition '.
Finally, the third point we find the statement of issues pursuant to statute:
; a) independence of the judiciary
b) inviolability of the person
c) inviolability of the home
; d) controllo da parte del cittadino sulla cosa pubblica.
Esse rappresentano le garanzie a vantaggio del cittadino sociale.
In un’altra seduta ove si continua il commento al Manifesto di Verona, il giovane dattilografo trascrive un imprecisato discorso di Mussolini sul tema delle libertà fondamentali. La premessa è ancora l’analisi critica del Manifesto e l’impossibilità da parte degli italiani di «respingerlo». Nella Carta, secondo il Duce, sono espressi in modo «chiaro» e «inconfondibile» i concetti di libertà: «libertà di critica e controllo sugli atti della pubblica amministrazione, libera scelta quinquennale del capo dello stato; piena indipendenza della magistratura, precisa determinazione dei poteri di polizia; elezioni popolari dei rappresentanti alla camera, libertà e diritto al lavoro; rispetto e tutela della proprietà privata che non tenda allo sfruttamento del lavoro; smantellamento del capitalismo e del latifondismo; immissione del controllo e degli interessi dei lavoratori in tutte le aziende anche statali; trapasso della proprietà della casa al lavoratore; libera azione del sindacato». È compito degli italiani recepire questi diritti e aderire a «uno stato autenticamente nuovo di lavoratori, che i lavoratori stessi, attraverso la loro opera sono chiamati a costruire, potenziare e a controllare».
Another issue is analyzed from the neo-fascist group, the non-convening of the Constituent Assembly which was to legitimize the state Republican. Initially, the editor writes, "we thought of calling the North House and the Senate, so that they could ratify the decisions of the new government and give it an assertion of constitutional legitimacy and continuity with the previous royal government. The Constituent Assembly was convened after the ratification of the two chambers. " But do not understand problems made possible the meeting of Parliament (although two thirds of parliamentarians find themselves the North). On 4 March 1944 Mussolini Crollalanza Knight relies on a comparative study Constituents of foreign study in a short time is over, but the events of the war lead to the abandonment of the draft national constituent. The illegality of the Social Republic, on which both insist the anti-fascists, the document concludes, is the basis of exceptional law (a real "insult law" for its retroactivity). The CSR is therefore unlawful for young people to question anything that detracts from the formal value range.
Authority is satisfied to some extent the youthful interest in cultural matters and not just for proven business (businesses that in any case turns in excess), we're going to investigate the ways in which young people themselves fifties organize their political activities. Traditionally, the political party we are dealing with (the MSI) has always treated the relationship with young people. Often these have been considered in line with the ideology of twentieth-century, a valuable resource for the future. Apart from reasons such as the need for consensus and numerical growth of the political group, the Party wanted to offer space and possible meeting places because it wanted to recover the survivors to life after the war. Particularly at the end of the conflict, many young people face serious problems, either because even if it had been for a few days of fighting, either because they were orphans or had lost everything, or because they felt persecuted. So the party gave them a new community of belonging and more often than a physical place where to stay and eat. On the other hand, the young people themselves saw the party as well as a means to greater personal security, an instrument for the resumption of the policy, especially for the defense of the homeland and the values \u200b\u200bof solidarity to oppose the class struggle and the arrogance of the foreign conqueror.
For all these things within the MSI were forming from the earliest day facilities and youth organizations.
The lively cultural and even activist for young people is perhaps the most weight since the early years of the movement, the desire to study historical and cultural push the veterans to the reading of those works (works of the recent past) for age reasons or different cultural background were not considered during the war. Adalberto Baldoni writes: "In a climate of tension and activism, young people seek their own national identity and cultural ideological Some people take as a reference point Julius Evola, the thinker of the tradition, those who study Giovanni Gentile, the philosopher of exaltation spirit, those who read the work of Maurice Bardeche, the critic of democracy, or Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, Robert Brasillach, Louis Ferdinand Celine. "The first official organizations within the MSI arise immediately after the birth of the Party itself and this is the proof Following the discreet sympathizers whose team boasted the neo-fascist. These are the University Nuclei (born in January 1947) and the Young Front (whose status is dated February 5, 1947), the first made for young people under 21 years, the second to the university without any limit of age. As late as November 1947, however, the two organizations come together to give rise to Grouping Students and Youth Workers.
The Group, a real youth MSI body, meets in the National Assembly for the first time on 12 and 13 March 1949 in Rome. All reports submitted before the forum, highlight the dissatisfaction young for that 'new world' from the Second World War (a denial of the spiritual world, they say), and especially for those who have assumed the burden of driving in trusting values \u200b\u200bof the winners. In summing up the substance and put young people first five objectives: the fight against radical bourgeois system, anti, anti-immobility DC, the country's unity and opposition to the policy of subservience to the foreigner. More specifically, with regard to relations with the Party, the Group hopes to "achieve political autonomy" because in order to achieve radical goals and not be prosecuted by the leaders of the Movement should be a greater degree of independence by the leaders and institutions . The rest of the autonomy of young people is a difficult issue to deal with, especially difficult for young people exhibit the same effervescence that in pursuing their goals. In this respect there is a significant episode that was surely the story: as a result of physical confrontation between The National Board of Youth and Representative MSI Russo Perez, former dell'UQ and then the Christian Democrats (the first against membership in the Italian North Atlantic Treaty, the second defender of the Covenant), the Directorate National Party decide to dissolve the executive body of the young. The young Robert Mieville, secretary of the Group Resigns organization passed into the hands of a Commissioner (Cesco Giulio Baghino) and a council commissioner. However, if there is a fierce vitality of the youth group is an 'genetics' of the MSI, the forms of protest not only reveal internal and nell'irrequietezza esterna al Partito (cioè nei confronti degli stessi dirigenti missini e delle altre compagini politiche) ma soprattutto nella varietà dei temi al centro delle pubblicazioni che in quegli anni arricchiscono il panorama culturale della Destra neofascista.
Quella della varietà e del numero delle pubblicazioni della Destra neofascista è una peculiarità che non è stata ancora valutata a fondo. Secondo un nostro calcolo (assolutamente provvisorio) sarebbero almeno duecento le pubblicazioni periodiche della Destra italiana (una Destra non sempre sostenitrice del M.S.I., però) dalla fine della guerra agli anni Eighty. The themes of these publications are among the most diverse as well as varied are the cultural roots of the postwar Right. They range from non-Catholic Catholicism spiritualism, from traditional to liberal, from radicalism to conservatism, from the social to the so-called liberal Right, Right from the anarchic to the 'friendly' institutions and so on.
A subset of these publications is then represented youth from publishing. We have seen that since the time of FAR newspapers have taken a clear role and driving force behind the growth of neo-fascist movement and the presence of a committed journalism has been passed down through the birth of MSI, until the Seventies and beyond. To be aware of the contents, it is perhaps useful to offer a quick guide to some newspapers of the forties-fifties.
The first issue of The challenge, which began as fortnightly internal newsletter of the youth of MSI and published by the Swiss press and propaganda of the Roman section of the Student and Youth Working Group, is dated January 1, 1948 ( will cease in December 1949) and is directed by a young Enzo Erra (the number 7, when the sheet becomes journalistic organ of the youth of MSI and fortnightly political life, is joined by Erra Egidio Sterpa). Cooperate with the magazine: Pino Rauti, Roberto Marraffa, Enzo Giordano, Roberto Mieville, Silvana Millefiorini, Domenico Cortellessa, Argo Villella, Franco Serpieri, Paolo Vittorio Gelmetti, Silvio Vitale and Giulio Caradonna. After learning of the existence of such initiatives by his friend Massimo Scaliger, which was in contact with letters at least the beginning of 1949, the June 20, 1949 Evola publish on its The challenge the first article Postwar (whose title is: Courage radical ).
We saw that the Youth Group Students Workers and the MSI is a group which is really a radical ideological code, a group that calls itself a solemn expression generation of war, pain and revenge. Well the background of the group we find a strong appeal to spirituality, spirituality is defined as a "living reality which operates and is implemented in the struggle of every day 'and that is good antidote to the materialism that reigns supreme in politics after World War II.
The challenge highlights an approach to daily life and religious creed. It is not a mere "political belief" (due to the positions of the two blocks, and Western Eastern Europe) but it is a worldview, a true faith, which must accompany the action of the young. A faith to sustain without failure, by real soldiers of the idea.
Spirituality is also called into question because it concerns the concepts of nation and nation. While nation is the spiritual unity of a people, the spiritual unity (ie the nation itself) contained multiple and varied: it includes traditions, language, customs, land and physical characteristics. However, "the concept of nation would remain incomplete if it does not integrate with the State." The latter fact is, in turn, will and power of the nation, namely aspiration becomes a reality, personality is realized in the same nation. Spirit Nation and State are thus three key concepts, the three realities that young people take the utmost account: living the spiritual values \u200b\u200ba nation comes to be aware of itself, so the work critical of the state, which is a real ruler, is to implement the will of the nation as a truly unified body.
values \u200b\u200bof the spirit (which it denies welfare), however, seem to belong only to a few, the elite. For young de The challenge is fighting a "struggle of the few against the many, conscious of the future of the minority against the masses who did not understand and that does not understand. " Therein lies the logic of the small number against that of the mass party (and if you will, of David and Goliath). Consequently, the role of MSI, which young people are and feel part of what must be a minority party that must remain, as he writes Rauti, avant-garde movement. To do this, the key management will be that of a "clear ideas" and a "zero tolerance" which will become a "source of an automatic and preliminary, though broad selection," then the door will be open only to those who feel in linea con le idee del Movimento.
Altra questione sollevata dal giornale è quella della lotta di classe e del marxismo visti come momento «di una generale e profonda crisi della coscienza umana» e dei valori dello spirito. Ma per i giovani de La sfida , così come aveva scritto Evola già vent’anni prima, il rigetto del marxismo è tutt’uno con la condanna dell’ideologia ‘americanista’. Entrambe le dottrine infatti sono in una contraddizione solo apparente, sia l’Occidente che l’Oriente sono «legati dalla medesima pregiudiziale politica materialista ed atea».
Nell’aprile 1948, an article by Marco Severi focuses on the meaning of the idea of \u200b\u200bRevolution. A revolutionary must beware of not just the mere preservation of men, and from false revolutionaries. Man, had written on the same issue of the bi-Erra, each objective must be focused, "if you want to find the center of world history, and in this sense the inner man is the true object to be investigated. Similarly for Severi, the revolutionary and the man truly worthy of bringing "the light of a new world." "Difficult becomes revolution when you are faced with ourselves and see how much courage it still exists in us that is not worthy our mission [...]. Needless to declare oneself a revolutionary if you do not know that farcene of a revolution that changes the appearance of man and society, if he brings to us the error that you will see in others. We abject beings, false and hypocritical [...]. In silence each of us carries the path that led him to the loftiest heights of human becoming: be a man, a man capable of taking upon himself all the tragedy and pain of the world, man can give with joy, a man capable of fighting with selflessness and love. This sublime and the appearance of a silent revolution. "
But the man suffers the same crisis Stato oramai ridotto a macchina amministrativa, a curatore d’interessi economici. Quest’ultimo, invece, «dovrà essere considerato come la sintesi della spiritualità dei cittadini [...] ciò perché possa realizzare in se la parte migliore del popolo e non quella peggiore». Sia lo Stato liberale che quello socialista appartengono a uno Stato di tipo materialistico, ad esse è da opporre uno Stato Etico «espressione altissima della spiritualità del popolo, che in esso trova espressione, attuazione e vita»: uno Stato dove prevarrà la volontà dei migliori.
La sfida sposa dunque una linea che potremmo definire rivoluzionario-spiritualista, antimaterialist and ethics. Gentile evoliani accents and echoes (relative to Revolt against the modern world, for example) and even some as young anthroposophic (remember those between Erra and Rauti) Max Steiner had already known the Scaliger at the end of 1945.
another sheet of the galaxy youth (a much more realistic than the former) can be considered Lintel, a monthly social action and culture, whose first number is the February 1948. in order of time is the first monthly "ideological" The director of the MSI is Guido Scotto, the signatures are those of Gianfranco Finaldi, Mario Tedeschi, Enrico de Boccard, Joseph Ciammaruconi, Roberto Mieville, Emilio Giorgi, Ettore Massimo Sabbadini and Scaliger. Some of these employees are the real "engine" Grouping of Students and Youth workers.
In the June issue of 1948 in view of the first conference of the MSI (which, as we have seen take place in Naples on 27 and 28 June 1948), the monthly exhibits five theses signed de Boccard, Finaldi, Scott and Germans. Five view that, as stated, would indicate 'the terms of the political party of a great worthy of a great historical role. " Let's look at a glance:
First thesis: "The MSI itself as the only valid and authentic revolutionary against the current 'system', because moving from an original conception of the spiritual world, aims to build a national society, where men on the basis of the moral work of each municipality for the construction, can take the only possible freedom is to recognize that in an organic whole that reflects their deepest needs. "
Second argument: "The MSI is deeply integrated into national, that gave life and responding to ideas, needs, interests and feelings that really exist and operate in the country. It has in himself all the prerequisites for 'force' the national, the key propulsion of Italian life, capable of arousing popular energies that are a necessary tool for achieving revolutionary. "
third thesis: "The route by which point to the great People's National Party is not that of even the general and unqualified socialism, because: a) Socialism is an element inherent to the system against which MSI arises b) A political approach could only lead the Socialist MSI positions of reformist socialism that della più progredita reazione borghese»; c) Infine è chiaro, da un punto di vista freddamente obbiettivo che una autentica politica socialista non si può realizzare fuori di quelle premesse classiste per le quali i partiti marxisti qualificati hanno già organizzativamente cristallizzato la base operativa».
Quarta tesi: «Il M.S.I. deve riconoscere negli stessi motivi della sua origine e del suo presente sviluppo, cioè nei motivi nazionali e sociali, i termini fondamentali di quella strada che lo condurrà a diventare il grande partito dell’avvenire italiano. Unico elemento legittimo di continuità nella vita della Nazione, è l’unico qualificato a farsi interprete di quel diffuso e profondo sentimento nazionalista che, costituendo il comun denominatore di una vasta base popolare, si profila oggi come una istintiva ed inespressa esigenza di rinnovamento della struttura politico-sociale del paese».
Quinta tesi. «È fondamentale che il M.S.I. si dia una struttura tale da permettergli di accogliere l’afflusso di tutte quelle forze che la sua origine e la natura del suo orientamento politico indirizzano e ancor più indirizzeranno verso di lui. Non si può tuttavia pensare ad assolvere ad una funzione attiva senza che il Partito risulti da una organizzazione di quadri rigidamente selezionati e legati da una comune dinamica di vita che assicurino, al di sopra di ogni tactical requirements, the continuity of revolutionary MSI. "
Architrave So for the MSI is a revolutionary party but not class, ready to represent the whole nation, free from unnecessary nostalgic and tied, at least for the idea of \u200b\u200bsocializing, the recent political experience CSR
The list of official gazettes and supporters of the MSI includes several other publications, some have made the history of the youth movement. Among the many we provide: Imperim (1950) directed by Enzo Erra and then de The challenge . L ' Assault (1949) weekly youth MSI Ciammaruconi directed by Joseph, then from Mario Tedeschi. Rescue (1949) directed by Fernando monthly Neapolitan and Gino De Biasi Kalby. Daring! Number single released in 1952 and directed by Enzo Erra. Yard (1950) directed by Prime Siena Catholic periodical and unofficial expression of the MSI Group's youth involved in the synthesis between the soul and the soul evoliana Gentile Movement. character that somehow continues to experience Shipyard. New Order, We Europe and Civilization (1955-1975) periodici facenti capo e/o derivanti dal Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo fondato nei primi anni Cinquanta da Pino Rauti. Azione (1955) periodico della ‘Giovane Italia’, Giovane Italia e Vent’anni (1958) anch’essi espressione della Giovane Italia. Tribuna studentesca (1955). Domani (1956) diretto da Enzo Erra. Il Tevere (1956) quindicinale diretto da Walter Gentili, critico verso la politica del M.S.I. Tabula Rasa (1956) bimestrale diretto da Cesare Pozzo e Fabio De Felice anch’esso in polemica con l’M.S.I. micheliniano. L’Orologio (1963) diretto da Luciano Lucci Chiarissi, base di confronto fra intellettuali critici di estrazione diversa. 
Se volessimo tentare una breve sintesi dei contenuti riprodotti all’interno di tali pubblicazioni, il nostro compito apparirebbe, invero, non privo di difficoltà. Difficoltà dipendenti almeno da due ordini di motivi. Il primo è dato dalla non abbondanza di studi in merito alla stampa neofascista, studi seri che considerano la ricchezza e la complessità dei periodici, studi non dimentichi del contesto politico all’interno del quale le riviste vennero alla luce. Il secondo è dato dalla varietà di riferimenti intellettuali e dei non few attempts to overcome the cultural synthesis and thought 'masters' in the same publications.
Apart from the operations of dialogue with the forces of the Left lawmaker has already said and that we can charge a few items and limited to the early postwar years, within the neo-fascist publications described above, we may identified three main strands. That kind, that evolved and Catholic.
Strand Gentile derives largely from the reading of the philosopher's posthumous Sicilian ie Genesis and structure of society. The elementi risorgimentali, quelli di ‘un umanesimo del lavoro’ e la considerazione per una «dimensione neo-cattolica» disegnano uno sfondo per così dire ‘trasversale’ nella Destra e nella Sinistra del Partito almeno in quei primi anni del Dopoguerra. Culturalmente si fa carico di questo filone il giovane Primo Siena con la rivista da lui stesso diretta Cantiere , anche se c’è da dire che le influenze evoliane per volere dello stesso Siena non tardano a manifestarsi.
Cantiere uscirà nell’imminenza della II Assemblea del Raggruppamento giovanile studenti e lavoratori (Bologna 23-24 settembre 1950), but at the same Assembly (invited by the same Siena) will intervene, even if suffering from paraplegia, the same Julius Evola. Evola that will not take a word, this only to test the quality of the arguments brought forward by the 'national youth' but in the months following the present guidelines brochure (printed and distributed by the group Imperium ) and To a 'Youth Charter' (but right on Shipyard anonymously, correcting an initial idea of \u200b\u200bthe same Siena) if to prove a greater intellectual involvement in youth initiatives and recruitment of a philosopher than the ideological primacy of Castelvetrano. The reason for the fascination of ideas evoliane is not difficult to grasp, if we want it is all in the memories of Fausto Gianfranceschi young MSI time, even after that time will admit the influence of Evola: "[Evola] was a example, who comforts us in our different feelings, vulgar, insensitive to the myths of the postwar period. " In short, as we shall see, Evola posed to young people that alternative to the system that no other philosopher could ever provide. Giovanni Gentile was not even able to do it: the now defunct philosopher was the cloudy image of a past that we could not accept in toto, and for that very symbol of that Italy, which had been bent by the lackluster defeat.
The current neo-fascist Catholic journalism degree was investigated by John Tassani. As a first step we must remember, however, the MSI official attitude towards Catholicism. Based on the 18 Points of Verona (November 1943) the policy orientation of the MSI (December 1946), read in Section VI, " Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion is the religion of the state, ensure that due respect for other religions that do not conflict with applicable laws. The relationship between the State and the Church are to be considered definitively settled by the indivisible dei Patti Lateranensi». Nel corso dei primi mesi di vita La Direzione del Partito sviluppa e chiarisce i propri convincimenti in merito ai rapporti con la fede cattolica. La posizione del Partito è di condanna sia dell’ateismo, sia dell’«invadenza clericale» nella politica, un’invadenza che recherebbe nocumento alla fede stessa rendendola meno credibile e più esposta alle critiche e alle polemiche provenienti dalla Sinistra. La presa di posizione del Partito alla vigilia delle prime elezioni Repubblicane (18 aprile 1948) è dunque quella di un cattolicesimo scevro da «ingerenze» politiche provenienti dalla Chiesa. Tuttavia anche se i missini si dichiarano cattolici e sostengono che la religione Cattolica Apostolica Romana is the state religion, neo-fascist in the team also faces a soul anticlerical always ready to credit the Vatican of the responsibility for the fall of the Fascist regime on July 25, 1943. the end of the first half of the fifties, to coincide with the secretary Michelini, the MSI launches a new phase for the institutions (the so-called appeal to 'right-wing forces'). It follows an attempt to resize components extremely ideologized (belonging to the Youth Group) and a greater appreciation of the moderate groups. So we arrive alla «formazione della ‘Giovane Italia’ (novembre 1954) che raccoglierà i giovani adolescenti su basi accentuatamente cattolicizzanti». Parallelamente, negli anni Cinquanta, la componente cattolica missina saprà stringersi attorno a due periodici: Rivista Romana di Vanni Teodorani (nipote acquisito di Mussolini) e Carattere di Primo Siena, Gaetano Raisi e Fausto Belfiori. Quest’ultima che avrà una certa influenza ideologica sulla ‘Giovane Italia’ si farà anche portatrice di una Alleanza cattolica tradizionalista . Nonostante Evola non sia da annoverare fra i sostenitori del cattolicesimo, Siena and the first group of character not easily abandon some overriding evoliane inspirations, such as the inspiration for a 'superior interior "and an" impassive historical "combined with" contempt for the suggestion of mass and the desecration of our time. " We note finally that the influence of Character outside hagfishes internal components and in particular to the forces Democrat, will be almost minimal.
For the generation that the war has not had time to lose and for those young people who "were able to participate [...] just for a few months, when it already seemed inevitably be lost," the day of the end of the conflict is the date from a period of heel, a heel due to psychological synthesis between the bitterness of a final desired and the need of a coward not relegation.
The consequences are obvious. Are in a time of love ed'odio writings that veterans dedicated to Italy. Here is an example of the first months of 1948:
"We belong to a generation that grew up in fascism, could not help but be deeply imbued with what it appeared to us more clear: the passionate love, pure, boundless for this our Italy. [...]. The sinking of fascism, there are two things remain clear: the love for the homeland, that same love which led many of us, young, to die on the field of honor in a vain attempt to wash the blood on our flag and a handful of men had defiled; bitter hatred for those who aggrappatisi to Fascism, greedily sucking every sap, while he was alive, after having caused the end, you throw the boarding hours on the poor remains of what was a nation, and for those who are served [...] dei voti dei fascisti per crearsi un nome ed una fama».
Per quei giovani per lo più «privi di guide carismatiche» e che non oltrepassano il rancore verso la democrazia per la mancanza di riferimenti ideali, l’incontro con le opere di Julius Evola ha il duplice sapore d’una svolta e d’una conquista. È un balzo in avanti verso la crescita culturale, il passo che conduce i giovani dall’incertezza dei primissimi anni del dopoguerra, alla lettura d’un libro come Rivolta contro il mondo moderno che avviene in Biblioteca e, per alcuni di essi, perfino in carcere. Un libro che guadagna alla fiducia, tutt’altro che uno scialbo esercizio, dunque, his reading.
Fausto Gianfranceschi Remember, one of those young people
"On these pages you find answers to our questions. We realized that our choices and our rejections were not only historically bounded, but fits into the way of being, in the character of a particular type of man, which in turn is marked by forms that transcend data quotas. We found a consistent and convincing interpretation, in a grand design of certain deep-rooted impressions that sharply distinguished from the others: the inability to accept defeat, no matter defeat, as un'inappellabile the view of history, so sublime and decided to impose a change even existential rejection not only of communism but also of Americanism (the two faces of the same modern reality), annoyance, and contempt for every speech on the economy based on material well-being suspected that the machinic comfort and technology, we went to worship in adapting the model of the winners, was leading to a kind of values \u200b\u200bfar more praying, and the disappointment at the decline of Western philosophy, that the initiation of studies in high school we had passion, but which in its latest developments there had seemed to turn into a mere game intellectualism.
Evola also delivered us from the dross of the past which were politically linked, without concessions to the horrible clichés of the 'anti-fascism ", simply by separating, in that past, which was ambiguous and corruptible contingency [...] '.
So Pino Rauti:
"Yes, Evola. At the time of CSR, and even in the early postwar years, we did not even know who he was. [...] When we started our cultural study us - I speak of 70-80 young veterans - us enamored of the Theosophy of Rudolf Steiner. We followed the courses Massimo Scaligero teneva al Gianicolo: lui era il guru della teosofia italiana, aveva avuto esperienze fasciste e ci indottrinava.
Evola non lo conoscevamo. Durante il regime fascista aveva avuto scarso rilievo ufficiale, anche se gli articoli che scrisse su “Diorama” furono, a mio parere, una cosa enorme. Ma noi ignoravamo tutto della vita culturale del fascismo [...] Evola lo scoprimmo durante uno dei nostri tanti soggiorni in carcere. Leggemmo Rivolta contro il mondo moderno , che per noi ebbe un’importanza decisiva. Ma per dire quanto poco sapevamo su Evola, usciti dal carcere cercammo di organizzare una specie di rievocazione: credevamo fosse morto! E invece, investigating the character, with great surprise we found that not only was alive, but he was in Rome. And he lived in an area close to us, in Corso Vittorio Emanuele 197. Then we went to find him. "
Massimo Scaliger is not one of the masters of the radical right wing Italian politicians, despite being an intellectual is still relatively unknown. Anthroposophy, his commitment follows the attempts made since the mid-twenties by men like Arturo Reghini and Julius Evola, engages in the esoteric culture of Italian culture. Evola and you know Scaliger in 1930 and will be the second to approach the first, strongly attracted by the fame of opposer cultural philosopher romano.
Scrive Enzo Erra che fu proprio Scaligero negli ultimi mesi del 1945 a spiegare ai giovani che tipo di guerra avessero combattuto e in che misura, in una dimensione interiore, non potessero sentirsi sconfitti. E proprio in una delle riunioni tenute da Scaligero al Gianicolo, Erra sente pronunciare per la prima volta il nome del filosofo romano. I due intellettuali sono certamente diversi, ma nonostante alcune divergenze teoriche, fra Evola e Scaligero i contrasti non arrivano mai a toccare il cosiddetto «piano superiore», un livello, cioè, sul quale riposa un dato incontestabile: «A Evola, a Scaligero, ad altri occultisti ed esoteristi era comune la sensazione della totale aversion to any of the contemporary world with the spirit. "
"[A] conception of the descent of the fund and that he was touching [...] was common to all these current trends and personalities and put them at odds with the opposite mentality and dominant describing those same stages as the stages of ascent, a climb proceeded through which humanity is freed from the darkness and oppression, and created the great society in which exploitation of man by man was suppressed, the property private was abolished, and men lived free from a centuries-old bondage. This was then the wall of the culture, of intellectuals, philosophy and science against which Evola and Scaliger jostled. "
Not all young people to come near Evola through Revolt against the modern world. Some approaches the thought of the philosopher reading The Protocols of the Elders of Zion edition of 1937 (with introduction of the Roman philosopher) . And this is the case of Paul Andriani and best known Clemente Graziani.
The Student and Youth Working Group meets for the second time in Assembly on 23-24 September 1950. A support the grouping is still the commissioner Cesco Giulio Baghino.
It can be argued that the influence on young evoliana missini early in that 1950 (to March Evola young people know in person) and signs near the peak of the IV National Congress of the Party held in Viareggio 9 to 11 January 1954.
The issues raised by participants at the youth are manifold. The comparison is focused on the presentation of six different reports. The debates in Congress are passionate. The leitmotif follows however, the positions of the radical group that Imperium Group evoliane closer to the ideas, the promotion policy in concluding that the term "revolution" echoes repeatedly characterizes in full the revolutionary identity of the participants. Riassumiamone content:
The Second National Assembly of RGSL 'notes in the current historical moment, the final crisis of the democratic world movement arose from the Enlightenment and affirmed by the French Revolution to the Russian in the defect morale of its assumptions, the arbitrariness of its representation in economic and social contradictions delle ultime ed opposte esperienze del suo capitalismo, nella inefficienza tecnica del suo metodo, e addita alle giovani generazioni il compito storico della affermazione rivoluzionaria di un mondo nuovo – visione di vita e struttura di società – nel solco della civiltà europea, unica perenne, e dei principi che negli ultimi decenni ne costituirono la diretta espressione e la disperata difesa». Enuncia i presupposti essenziali: «il carattere rivoluzionario è innanzitutto trasformazione di coscienza intima ed umana», «il carattere rivoluzionario comporta il mutamento etico e strutturale della società e della sua più alta istituzione politica, lo Stato. In armonia di sistema il nostro Stato è fondato sul principio aristocratic and authoritarian, with organic representation of the moral and social forces of the Nation, "" the revolutionary character carries the radical transformation of economic and social relations. The corporate social - in spirit and in the application of the Italian Social Republic - involving the solution of social relations within the company - in the moral capital of the instrument is working in the social relationship established the association by eliminating the wage in the economic their whole process, whereas close to the production cycle of the movement and distribution of wealth. It aims at the theoretical and practical elimination of class distinction. " The Assembly affirms the need for independence of Italy and Europe in the face of American and Soviet blocs and their opposition equidistant from the two powers' need to take the avowedly revolutionary method "unity" absolute "between MSI and the Youth Group that represents the "heart", the "engine" and the "brain" of the youth policy. This declaration is sought reassurance that the governing bodies of the Social Movement expected. Young people need to stop with their excesses, they must adapt to the moderation guidelines and marry given by De Marsanich: these are the guidelines that come from the management to MSI. At stake is the success of the strategy pursued by the inclusion of the national secretariat. Exhibit intolerant soul and unleash the Suppression of the DC which in turn has opted for a policy of containment, it is more convenient for the MSI is a movement that, according to De Marsanich must fit within the institutions must have inevitably a moderate face.
On balance, however, the value of reassurance from the world of youth is nothing, nothing, because the reality is quite another fact: contrary to the Fourth Congress dell’M.S.I. (Viareggio, 1954), i giovani si costituiranno come corrente organizzata «su posizioni antagoniste rispetto alla segreteria di De Marsanich». L’esito del Congresso sarà l’anticamera per la scissione del gruppo di Ordine Nuovo (che avverrà nel 1956) facente riferimento a Pino Rauti e ispirato ancora una volta alle idee evoliane.
L’irrequietezza del mondo giovanile dunque non si arresta. Tra la fine del 1950 e la metà dal 1951 diversi giovani missini vengono arrestati. L’accusa è di aver ricostituito i FAR (che probabilmente si erano sciolti solo sulla carta, nel senso che l’attività degli appartenenti FAR old had continued to take place in secrecy, perhaps under other names such as Black Legion or individually), but had detonated the bombs card at some Italian cities. The prosecution relies on the rules of the new law No 3 December 1947 1546 (Regulations for the Suppression of the Fascist and directed the restoration of the monarchy). The bar is the group Imperium (including Evola, accused of being a teacher and inspiration) and other Italian groups connected to it (including the one in Naples headed Rescue ). Among the accused is also Cesco Giulio Baghino born former leader of the FAR nell’immediato Dopoguerra e commissario nazionale dei giovani del Raggruppamento.
Il processo di primo grado si conclude nel novembre del 1951 con dodici lievi condanne (Evola verrà assolto) ma il gruppo Imperium (Erra, Rauti e Gianfranceschi) che già gode di grande prestigio all’interno del Raggruppamento, esce dalla vicenda giudiziaria con un rinnovato grado di autorevolezza, ragion per cui da lì a qualche anno coadiuvata dal gruppo di Primo Siena, la ‘corrente’ evoliana assume il «controllo assoluto» del Raggruppamento.
Al IV congresso del M.S.I. (Viareggio, gennaio 1954), i cosiddetti ‘figli del sole’ (i giovani intransigenti, chiamati così perché giudicati poco propensi alla politica ‘spicciola’) spalleggiati dalla Destra del Partito, illustrano una mozione contraria a quella del segretario missino e riescono a ottenere 22 seggi in seno al Comitato Centrale. Il tema della mozione è legato a due principi l’uno vichiano (anticontrattualista) e l’altro organicista relativo cioè alla scuola di Vienna di Otmar Spann e Walter Heinrich che insieme a Evola avevano collaborato, in pieno Regime fascista, al periodico Lo Stato diretto da un altro teorico dell’organicismo Carlo Costamagna. Apparentemente è una grande vittoria per i giovani, ma l’ingresso nel ‘Partito che conta’ rischia di anestetizzare la slancio giovanile: il giovane Pino Rauti è uno dei primi a capirlo, mentre l’altro grande leader Erra «comincia ad assumere un atteggiamento più tattico» che lo condurrà prima ad assumere posizioni micheliniane e poi ad uscire dal Partito in rotta con lo stesso segretario nazionale.
«La riottosità del RGSL viene domata con il passaggio delle redini del partito nelle più salde mani di Michelini», nominato segretario dell’M.S.I. nell’ottobre 1954. Michelini rispetto a De Marsanich è meno tentennante nel perseguire la politica dell’inserimento e dell’accordo Monarchist with the National Party to form a block of Right, that raises the intransigent young people in front of a stark choice, a choice that hitherto had been avoided in all ways: either the party loyalty or loyalty to revolutionary ideals. One of the objectives pursued by Michelini is indeed to "dominate the whole party" to which the autonomy of the Group is effectively erased. The youthful face no longer has the ability to react and slowly starts to fall apart. Around 1955 but there is one last gasp: a group of young people including Giulio Caradonna is now the secretary of the Group and some members of Young Italy and FUAN (tight around al periodico Azione, che diverrà una volta ‘normalizzato’ il periodico della Giovane Italia), si lasciano andare ad azioni di protesta contro la sede del Partito comunista e della CGIL, accusati di opporsi al riarmo dell’Europa. A parte le misure adottate dalla Questura romana che arresta i giovani rivoltosi, la normalizzazione micheliniana non si fa attendere. Nel giro di pochi mesi il gruppo Azione e i dissidenti della Giovane Italia rientrano nell’«alveo» moderato del Partito. La vittoria della linea istituzionale sembra garantita, tuttavia la scissione del gruppo più prestigioso della Destra radicale (vale a dire Ordine Nuovo di Pino Rauti) è solo rimandata.
New Order seems still surrounded by an aura of mystery. This at least three reasons. To the apparent (actually very confused) with the national and foreign forces, more or less secret, which will design acts of force and acts of terrorism dating back well beyond the early fifties. For the elite tend to be structural conformation of the association. And for the singularity of the cultural references of the group, cultural references that convey an image poorly politicized and highly esoteric colors. "Just think," says Rao, "in which the authors recommended to young ordinovisti: Evola, of course, followed by a series of esoteric and religious scholars of Oriental languages, of the dark and secret societies. It goes from Romania Mircea Eliade, near Codreanu in the 30s, Massimo Scaliger, Joseph Tucci and Pius Filippini Ronconi, from James Frazer to Shri Aurobindo Neel at Davis, and especially to Rene Guenon, another important figure in the culture of Fascists after the war. " There seems to be the clear manifestation of a specific fact: at least an intellectual point of view, in those early fifties a neo-fascism is changing. They are changing the cultural referents (Not just as a national Fox and Oriani) and changing the themes discussed. In short there is a great 'genetic mutation' neo-fascism, a 'mutation' powered by 'myth' of the issues, the resumption of training and issues related to culture (elite) and the rejection of the principle of compromise . A 'mutation' that is in the New Order a fertile ground: a team that MSI egemonizzerà the youth until the sixties and will own those cultural elements that will come to this day.
That said, we clarify some points relating to the origin of the association. New Order was born within the MSI in the early fifties (probably in 1953) over a period of strong influence evoliana. Two years later (April 1955) released periodical New Order, a monthly revolutionary politics, directed by Pino Rauti (which Evola work). At the end of 1956 after the tumultuous V Congress of the MSI in Milan (probably a result of a concerted move with Almirante, Michelini opponent of) the group left the party with a letter signed by a number of federal managers and secretaries, formalizes the own resignation. Dissatisfaction with the political integration in the political system and the abandonment of the 'line salotina' motivation as it is clear the division. More specifically, the origins of giving up the Party card seem to be also a cultural and ideological: the Party now involved in the tactical and semi-hidden in the quarrels of the Republic "had lost their traditions [and] had forgotten their roots cultural and ideological. " We must therefore preserve the 'purity' of certain principles.
Since that time Congress 1956, the MSI page. Birth and continues a nascere «una serie di partiti, partitini, movimenti, organizzazioni, associazioni» che non si riconosceranno più nel M.S.I. «L’unità politica dei fascisti in democrazia » scrive Rao, «è durata esattamente dieci anni».
Quali sono in breve le tematiche relative alla ‘purezza’ dei principi espresse dal Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo ?
Innanzi tutto una linea di intransigente rifiuto della politica democratica e parlamentare, definita ‘corruttrice’ delle nuove generazioni. In secondo luogo lo sguardo rivolto al passato fascista, al fascismo nazionale (salotino) quanto a quello tedesco e alle Schutz-Staffeln (le SS), modello di élite e di Ordine. Poi ancora, l’idea di una rivoluzione senza compromessi che interessi la politica come la società, la morale come lo spirito e che conduca alla formazione di una aristocrazia politica costituitasi in base a principi meritocratici. L’idea di un razzismo spiritualistico che tenga in considerazione non i tratti somatici o l’appartenenza etnica, bensì, come aveva scritto Evola fin dagli anni Trenta, quella potenza d’ordine spirituale che, per così dire, sovrintende a tutte le attività umane. L’auspicio di una ‘Europa nazione’ non asservita ai due blocchi di potere internazionale (Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica). E infine una esaltazione della virile paganità precristiana o apostatica in contrapposizione a un cristianesimo visto come religione meramente plebea, remissiva e frustrante. Insomma, in due parole, il gruppo Ordine Nuovo secondo una definizione dello stesso Rauti è un gruppo nazionalrivoluzionario, che seppur legato alle componenti storiche del fascismo ( la Repubblica Sociale ) non disdegna l’approfondimento culturale in relazione alle ben determinate tematiche eroico-mitiche. La storia del Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo proseguirà fino al 1969, quando su sollecitazione di Almirante, per la seconda volta segretario dopo la morte di Michelini (giugno 1969), rientrerà fra i ranghi del Partito. L’ala più politicizzata e attivista del sodalizio, guidata da Clemente Graziani, proseguirà da sola fino al 1973 quando a seguito dei provvedimenti del governo sarà sciolta, almeno ufficialmente.
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